Yemen: The rise of Saudi-backed Salafi commanders

With his long beard and traditional Yemeni attire, wearing a mawaz (a sarong-like garment worn by men), Gawed, 43, used to travel between mosques in Lahj governorate, proselytising and teaching people about his interpretation of Islam.

The purpose of his work was to encourage Yemenis to follow religious guidance that remained strictly detached from politics. This was the approach he learned from Salafi leaders like Muqbil al-Wadi'i, who was educated in Saudi Arabia before establishing the Salafi centre in Dammaj, Saada, in the 1980s.

The Salafis are a Sunni movement adhering to a literalist interpretation of Islam, focusing on the traditions of the first three generations of Muslims. However, when conflict with the Houthis reached Lahj in 2015, Gawed and his group did not hesitate to join the fighting, achieving major tactical advances in their areas of operation.

"We didn't fight for political reasons; we fought to protect our lands and our faith from the Houthis as they tried to invade our villages and distort Islam," Gawed told Middle East Eye. 

The Houthis belong to the Zaydi branch of Shia Islam. While Zaydism differs significantly from the "Twelver" Shi'ism practised in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon, both sects believe that leadership of the Muslim community after the Prophet Muhammad belonged to his cousin and son-in-law, Ali ibn Abi Talib, and his descendants, known as Imams.

Saada governorate served as a stronghold for both the Houthis and the Salafis, who clashed for over a decade. In October 2013, the Houthis imposed a siege on the Salafi religious centre, Dar al-Hadith in Dammaj, resulting in more than 250 deaths. By 2014, the Salafis were forced to evacuate Dar al-Hadith. Thousands fled to various governorates, with some arriving in Lahj.

Following the Salafis' departure from Dammaj, the Houthis advanced to Sanaa, achieving a decisive victory that led to their control of around 30 percent of Yemen's territory, primarily in the most populous northern and western regions.

Gawed, who holds a bachelor's degree in Quranic sciences, said his group has not stopped fighting since 2015. He maintains they will not stop until they "liberate" the entire country. "If we purify our intentions for Allah, we will defeat them across the nation. That is all that is required now," he said.

While Salafis previously served as ground fighters under various military factions, 2023 marked a strategic shift. With Saudi support, the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) established the National Shield Forces (NSF), led by Salafi commanders. Though Gawed never attended a military college, his combat experience and religious conviction led to his appointment as a commander within the NSF.

"At times, fighting under groups that did not share our beliefs was a struggle, so forming the NSF was a priority," Gawed added. "I am not speaking only of Salafis; I believe in any fighters committed to liberating Yemen from the Houthis above all other purposes."

While the NSF is led by Salafis, it includes many non-Salafi personnel who fight alongside them.

Obeying the leader

Initially dormant, the NSF became pivotal during recent tensions between the PLC and the Southern Transitional Council (STC). Moving from the Saudi border and Marib, NSF forces effectively displaced STC influence across Hadhramout, Shabwa and Abyan, eventually reaching Aden.

While this specific fighting was not directed at the Houthis, Salafi groups participated actively. "We fight under the banner of Islam, and our faith commands us to obey Wali Al-Amr (the leader in authority). Therefore, we fought alongside the PLC against those attempting to create chaos," Gawed added.

In Salafi methodology, obeying the leader in authority is considered a fundamental religious duty. This is derived from the Quranic injunction to obey Allah, the Prophet and those placed in authority over the community.

Historically, Salafis also played a significant role in the 1994 Yemeni Civil War, acting as key allies to the northern government led by Ali Abdullah Saleh against the secessionists led by Ali Salem al-Beidh. For decades, Yemen's Salafis were primarily confined to mosques, focusing on religious outreach rather than political or military leadership.

Their formal entry into high-level governance began only in April 2022 with the formation of the PLC. The council included Abu Zara'a al-Maharami, a prominent Salafi commander who led anti-Houthi efforts in Aden and along the west coast.

A new milestone was reached on 30 April 2026, when PLC head Rashad al-Alimi appointed Salafi Brigadier General Hamdi Shukri as Commander of the Fourth Military Region. This region encompasses the strategic hubs of Aden, Lahj, Taiz, Abyan and parts of al-Dhale.

Effectively, Salafis now hold military leadership positions in nearly all PLC-controlled areas. Other forces, including Islah-affiliated fighters and the Republican Guard, now operate under Salafi leadership in several governorates.

The PLC's reliance on Salafis appears rooted in their reputation as disciplined, courageous fighters who have proven effective against both the Houthis and the STC.

Gawed, like many other Salafis in Yemen, is pleased to see their movement gain authority. He confirmed their commitment to fighting under the PLC to liberate the entire country from the Houthis and any other factions that obstruct the PLC's mandate.

"It is not only the Salafis; the Yemeni army is currently restructuring military groups to fight under a single umbrella, the PLC, represented by the Ministry of Defence. Once unified, we will all direct our weapons toward the Houthis," Gawed explained.

Since 2015, infighting has plagued various factions within government-held areas, such as the clashes between the Islah party and the STC. However, it now appears that such internal conflicts have subsided as the Yemeni army focuses on the reorganisation of its military units.

'We are all Yemenis'

A source in the Defence Ministry spoke to MEE on condition of anonymity, as he was not authorised to speak to the media. "I am against the division of military groups based on party, region or religious beliefs," he said. "We are all Yemenis, and we fight to liberate Yemen from the Iran-backed militia."

He spoke forcefully, voicing strong opposition to the idea of labelling military leadership based on Salafi affiliation. "We call people by their names," he added. "If there is a good leader, he is promoted to commander because he is skilled and loyal to the country, not because he is a Salafi, an Islahi or anything else."

However, the official acknowledged the significant impact Salafis have had on the ground, confirming they played a major role in battles across various governorates and deserved representation within the high-level military leadership.

"Currently, we are restructuring the Yemeni army to operate under a unified leadership, and we have succeeded in most of these tasks. We do not want to create new divisions by labelling military groups as Salafi, Islahi or otherwise."

He said all military regions and units have official names and should be referred to by their designated unit, brigade or region title, rather than being called "the Salafi forces".

Balanced power

Political analyst Mohammed Sultan noted that while Salafi fighters are indeed brave and loyal to their leadership, their appointment to high-level positions was primarily driven by Saudi Arabia's desire to support a new force on the ground.

"The National Shield Forces were formed by Saudi Arabia under the exclusive leadership of Salafis," Sultan told MEE. "Saudi Arabia took this step in 2023 when it felt it had almost no other reliable forces on the ground to support its interests."

He explained that by 2023, the Salafis were essentially the only faction aligned with Saudi Arabia, as the STC and the Republican Guard were backed by the UAE, and the Islah party was no longer seen as loyal to Riyadh.

"STC forces were close to Saudi borders in Hadhramout during the fighting in late December 2025, and it was the Salafis who successfully displaced them," he explained. "Since then, Saudi Arabia has placed greater trust in the Salafis. Consequently, they have secured more positions within the Yemeni army, as Saudi Arabia is the primary benefactor funding the military."

Sultan believes that while Salafis are capable of leading military campaigns and may have effective strategies for advancing against the Houthis, the main challenge lies in the future structure of the state.

"We are seeing political and military positions divided based on loyalty rather than proficiency. If a reconciliation with the Houthis is reached or the war ends, establishing a civil state will be extremely difficult," he said.